FOREIGN POLICY IN FOCUS
The Pentagon's objective is to be capable of fighting two regional wars at the same time. For planning purposes these are assumed to be in the Middle East and the Korean peninsula. This scenario assumes that 100,000 U.S. troops will continue to be based in East Asia for the foreseeable future.
Currently there are 37,000 U.S. military personnel in Korea and some 60,000 in Japan, including 13,000 on ships home-ported there. The islands of Okinawa, the southernmost prefecture of Japan, house 39 bases and installations (75% of all U.S. bases in Japan) although Okinawa is only 0.6% of the country's land area. 30,000 troops and another 22,500 family members are stationed in Okinawa.
There were extensive U.S. bases in the Philippines until 1992, when the Philippine Senate voted against renewal of their leases. The U.S. subsequently proposed a Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) to cover situations when U.S. troops are in the Philippines for joint exercises or shore leave. The VFA would give access to Philippine ports and airports on all the main islands for refueling, supplies, repairs, and rest & recreation (R & R)-potentially far greater access than before, but under the guise of commercial arrangements and without the expense of maintaining permanent workforces and facilities. The VFA has to be ratified by the Philippine Senate before going into effect. It is currently under discussion.
Sexual violence, sexual exploitation, thousands of fatherless Amerasian children, and health problems linked to environmental contamination are some of the damaging effects of the U.S. military presence in East Asia. Research conducted by a group called Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence shows that U.S. troops in Okinawa have committed more than 4,700 reported crimes since 1972, when Okinawa reverted to Japanese administration. Many of these were crimes of violence against women. In Korea, too, the number of crimes is high. A particularly brutal rape and murder of a barwoman, Yoon Kum Ee, in 1992 galvanized human rights advocates to establish the National Campaign for the Eradication of Crime by U.S. Troops in Korea in order to document these crimes and help victims claim redress.
Violence against women is seriously underreported, due to the victims' shame and fear or their belief that perpetrators will not be apprehended. Women who work in the bars, massage parlors, and brothels near U.S. bases are particularly vulnerable to physical and sexual violence. The sexual activity of foreign-based U.S. military personnel, including (but not exclusively) through prostitution, has had very serious effects on women's health, precipitating HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted diseases, unwanted pregnancies and unsafe abortions, drug and alcohol dependency, and mental illness.
In Korea, Japan, and the Phillipines, Amerasian children born to women impregnated by U.S. troops are a particularly stigmatized group. They are often abandoned by their military fathers and raised by single Asian mothers. They live with severe prejudice and suffer discrimination in education and employment due to their physical appearance and their mothers' low status. Those with African-American fathers face even worse treatment than those having Caucasian fathers.
Health effects linked to environmental contamination caused by military operations also need detailed investigation. In Okinawa, a 1998 report on babies born to women living near Kadena Air Force Base showed significantly lower birth weights than those born in any other part of Japan, attributable to severe noise generated by the base. At White Beach, a docking area for nuclear submarines, regional health statistics show comparatively high rates of leukemia in children and cancers in adults. In 1998, for example, two women from White Beach who were in the habit of gathering local shellfish and seaweed died of liver cancer.
The drinking water from wells in the area of former Clark Air Force Base (Philippines) is contaminated with oil and grease. At 21 of the 24 locations where groundwater samples were taken, pollutants that exceeded drinking water standards were found, including mercury, nitrate, coliform bacteria, dieldrin, lead, and solvents. These contaminants persist in the environment for a long time and bioaccumulate as they move up the food chain.
Problems With Current U.S. Policy
In the eyes of host communities, U.S. troops stationed overseas often seem arrogant and insensitive. They usually know little about the country's history and culture. They speak only English, pay their way with dollars, and live in spacious, fenced-off enclaves at higher standards than most local citizens.
Military personnel are trained to dehumanize "others" as part of their preparation for war. This process, and the experience of combat, can make them edgy, fearful, frustrated, alienated, or aggressive-negative feelings that are often vented on host communities, especially women.
Sexism and militarism have commonly excluded feminine attributes and the perspectives and concerns of women. Sexism is central to a militarized masculinity, which involves physical strength, emotional detachment, the capacity for violence and killing, and an appearance of invulnerability. Male sexuality is assumed to be uncontrollable and in need of regular release, so prostitution is built into military operations, directly or indirectly, with the agreement of host governments. Suzuyo Takazato of Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence, told the San Jose Mercury News, "These young troops go out into the field all day and are trained to be aggressive and to kill....They may change out of uniform and into a T-shirt and jeans, but their attitude does not change."
Although most military personnel do not violate women, this is an officially recognized problem in U.S. military families, for women in the military, and in communities near bases in this country and overseas. Military leaders often attribute it to a few "bad apples," but these incidents happen far too often to be accepted as aberrations. Women organizers see them as systemic-an integral part of a system of military violence.
Status of Forces Agreements (SOFAs) vary depending on host country laws and each government's power and willingness to negotiate terms. For example, the SOFA between the U.S. and Germany includes more detailed procedures for jurisdiction over personnel who commit crimes than do SOFAs with Japan or Korea. It also commits the U.S. military to cooperating in finding fathers and advising them to pay child support to German women who have children by U.S. troops, a provision completely absent from the SOFAs with Japan or Korea. Host governments are in different power positions in relation to the U.S., though none of them come to SOFA negotiations as equal partners with the United States.
SOFAs are based upon dysfunctional assumptions about national security. They ensure legal protection for U.S. bases and military personnel but do not provide genuine security for local communities, nor do they assure the security of the American people.
Although U.S. officials claim to have implemented adequate procedures for dealing with crimes against people in host communities, U.S. troops are rarely tried by local courts, even when cases involve serious injury or death. It took enormous public outcry before that those responsible for abducting and raping a 12-year-old Okinawan girl in September 1995 were handed over to Japanese authorities, stood trial in a Japanese court, and began serving seven-year sentences in Japan. In other cases where local people know of punishment, it is often trivial. Sometimes perpetrators are moved beyond reach to another posting, perhaps back to the United States.
SOFAs make no reference to Amerasian children, who are often abandoned by their fathers. No government takes responsibility for the dire situation of these children, who have no legal standing in the United States. The 1982 Amerasian Immigration Act, which addressed the situation of Vietnamese Amerasian children, does not cover people born in Japan or the Philippines. To qualify under this act, one must be born between 1951 and 1982. One must also have documentation that the father is a U.S. citizen, formal admission of paternity, and a financial sponsor in the United States.
Environmental contamination affects whole communities but is most significant for women and children, because they tend to show signs of disease earlier than men. Militaries cause more pollution than any other institutions. Bases store fuel, oil, solvents, and other chemicals as well as weapons, including defoliants like Agent Orange, depleted uranium-tipped bullets, and nuclear weapons. The SOFAs with Japan and Korea do not hold the U.S. responsible for the cleanup of contamination.
In the Philippines, records of environmental contamination were incomplete and unavailable to concerned nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) for several years. Studies-both by the People's Task Force for Bases Cleanup and by environmental consultants-show that the U.S. military did not follow its own guidelines on cleanup. It took until 1998 to establish an official Philippines-U.S. working group to explore the problem. In Okinawa, community leaders are trying to get information about contamination and assurances that the U.S. will take responsibility for cleanup, even though the SOFA with Japan explicitly excludes this. In both the Philippines and Okinawa, women are gathering information from local people who have worked on the bases or who live nearby.
Host governments have downplayed contamination or denied its existence for fear of fueling antibase sentiment (Korea) or deterring prospective investors (Philippines). Environmentally induced illnesses may not be apparent for many years, and it is difficult to establish a clear cause-and-effect relationship.
Toward a New Foreign Policy
Grassroots movements for national sovereignty and self-determination in East Asian countries have gained momentum in recent years. Women's organizations play a key role in these movements and bring a gender perspective to protests against U.S. bases. Organizations in East Asia and the United States as well as international networks are developing alternatives to militarized security that address the security of women, children, and the physical environment. These advocates recommend a series of policy changes:
Gwyn Kirk and Margo Okazawa-Rey are founder-members of the East Asia-U.S. Women's
Network Against U.S. Militarism. Rachel Cornwell is Program Assistant for the Demilitarization
and Alternative Security Program of the Asia Pacific Center for Justice and Peace.
Sources for More Information
Asia-Pacific Center for Justice and Peace
Cynthia Enloe, The Morning After: Sexual Politics at the End of the Cold War (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).
Katharine Moon, Sex Between Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S.-Korea Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997).
Betty A. Reardon, Sexism and the War System (New York: Teachers College Press, Columbia University, 1985).
Indai Sajor (ed.), Common Grounds: Violence Against Women in War and Armed Conflict Situations (Quezon City, Philippines: Asian Center for Women's Human Rights, 1998).
Saundra Sturdevant & Brenda Stoltzfus, Let the Good Times Roll: Prostitution
and the U.S. Military in Asia (New York: New Press, 1992).
World Wide Web
Center for Environmental Oversight: http://www.cpeo.org
Japan Policy Research Institute: http://www.jpri.org/
Copyright © 1996. The Light Party.
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